| United we stand? |
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| Tuesday, 30 November 1999 00:00 | |
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Brian Roper
"United
We Stand, Divided We Fall!"
"Workers
of the World Unite!"
"March
Separately, Strike Together!"
"Kia
Kaha!" (together we are strong)
These
slogans all stress the vital importance of unity and solidarity in
struggle. For example, the only way to stop a brutal and bloody
imperialist war like that currently being waged against the so-called
"axis of evil" by George W. Bush, with the full military might
of the US state and the uncritical backing of the world's corporate
media, is to build a mass anti-war movement.
This
involves bringing together a range of groups on the left, with very
different political outlooks, who can act in solidarity with each other
to achieve a common aim (stopping the war) through agreed means (mass
protest). Other examples of the importance of solidarity include the
campaign to oppose GE for corporate gain which was led by the Greens but
was supported by the wider left in New Zealand.
What
these examples show is that, as Trotsky put it, "To fight the
working class must have unity in its ranks." It is, therefore,
vital to understand how we can build united struggles while also
recognising why unity can be so hard to create and sustain.
In New
Zealand currently there is an obvious lack of unity and solidarity
within both the union movement and the left more generally. Whereas a
high level of union solidarity was evident during the last major upturn
in working class struggle from 1968 to 1977, today there are virtually
no solidarity strikes where one group of workers takes industrial action
in support of another group of workers who are defending themselves
against attacks by their employer and/or pushing for better pay and
conditions. Most unions are focusing on successfully mobilising their
own members in support of pay claims and currently are not militant
enough to take on the anti-solidarity provisions of the Employment
Relations Act.
So while
there are still inspiring examples of solidarity when unions take
action, such as the widespread support for waterside workers early last
year, the overall levels of solidarity are lower than during the last
major upsurge in working class struggle.
Wider
left
If you
look at the state of the wider left in New Zealand today there are
obvious difficulties in building united campaigns around particular
concrete issues.
The
parliamentary left is divided between the Alliance and the Greens - the
Alliance remains pissed off because of the Greens' departure in 1997 and
subsequent success. The socialist left is fragmented into small groups,
none of whom are capable of exerting any real influence over the
political situation in the country as a whole. And much of the anarchist
left, which is even smaller than the socialist left, seems more
interested in condemning everyone else on the left than helping to build
united campaigns around important issues such as opposing the war.
In a
very small country like New Zealand, with a tiny left, these differences
often take a highly personalised form, ie Group X doesn't get on with
Group Y because Person A hates Person B. But this is a very superficial
and misleading view of the causes of division on our side of the
struggle. Most obviously it is important to recognise that the conflicts
between different personalities on the left generally reflect deeper
political differences over fundamental issues - such as whether mass
direct action or parliamentary reform is the best way to change things.
But even more importantly it is important to understand how the
capitalist system itself divides us.
Causes
of division
Capitalism
repeatedly divides in order to conquer. Unemployment creates competition
between individual workers belonging to different ethnic groups for
jobs, often fuelling racism. Sexism, racism and nationalism create
divisions within the working class - between women and men; between Päkehä,
Mäori, Pacific Island and Asian people; and between people who come
from different nations. These forms of oppression, together with the
prevalence of nationalist ideology, discourage workers from recognising
the extent to which they have interests in common that are opposed to
the interests of the rich.
During
major struggles the employers, government and police often attempt to
foster divisions between moderates and militants, and the media nearly
always sides with capitalist employers and the government. All these
sources of division make their side stronger while weakening ours.
In
recent years divisions on the left have become more pronounced. The low
level of industrial class struggle between 1997 and 2001 has been a
major factor in this regard. Amongst workers strike activity fell to the
lowest levels seen since the 1930s. Because it is only through actual
involvement in struggle that the importance of solidarity and unity
becomes clear, when the level of struggle is low it is easy to focus on
those things that divide rather than unite us.
Sources
of unity
This
is why we in the International Socialists always argue for solidarity
and unity - it is only through maintaining solidarity and unity that we
can struggle and win,
whether these struggles are to defend or advance the interests of
workers, flax roots Mäori, students, or women. Our enemies are united
and strong, we must be too if we are to defeat them.
This is
by no means a hopeless task. Capitalism not only divides us, it also
generates forces that repeatedly push workers, Mäori, women and
students to engage in united collective struggle against capitalists and
the governments that look after their interests while attacking ours.
The exploitation that is at the core of New Zealand's capitalist economy
generates massive inequalities and concentrates wealth and power in the
hands of a small greedy capitalist minority. Every now and then
resistance breaks out against this exploitation.
This
resistance can take a variety of forms - from strikes to marches and
occupations. This is where groups like the International Socialists have
an important role to play. Despite being very small, a socialist
organisation like ours brings together experienced activists who can
bring their expertise and the lessons from previous struggles into the
current one. For this reason the socialist left can have an impact on
campaigns and struggles quite out of proportion to its size.
As Lenin
pointed out, the socialist organisation acts as the "memory of the
class" - retaining, preserving and carrying forward practical
knowledge gained from involvement in earlier struggles to struggles in
the present. For this reason we socialists make no apologies for the
fact that when we involve ourselves in any particular campaign we do so
both to build the campaign and to build our own organisation in the
process.
Socialists
and struggle
As
socialists we recognise that we cannot place any conditions on our
involvement in the everyday struggles of workers and the oppressed. But
we do insist on our right to retain our political independence -
particularly our freedom to criticise those who we are uniting with and
to produce and sell our own propaganda and publications.
We also
argue that it is not currently realistic to seek unity on a broad range
of issues. Rather, we argue for unity in struggles that focus on
specific issues and where there is a reasonable amount of agreement over
the course of action to be pursued.
A good
example of how this can work in practice is the protest movement against
the 1981 Springbok Tour - there was sufficient agreement amongst the
diverse range of groups involved about the aims of the movement
(stopping the tour, ending Apartheid) and the course of action (mass
militant protests using the tactic of non-violent civil disobedience) to
build one of the largest and most successful protest movements in this
country's history.
The
recent strikes by nurses, teachers, university staff, and other groups
of workers, suggest that a revival of industrial struggle is gathering
momentum. The GE Free and Anti-War campaigns have also shown us that
protest is not dead. If and when the level of struggle does pick up it
is the duty of all those on the left to get stuck in and help to build
this struggle. This will only happen if there is a concerted effort to
overcome the sectarian divisions that have built up on the New Zealand
left during the past decade. And this, in turn, requires that we all
start to think about the real meaning of the slogan - "united we
stand, divided we fall."
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