| The United Nations: A force for peace? |
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| Tuesday, 30 November 1999 00:00 | |
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Eric Ruder
Many
of those involved in the anti-war movement have argued that the United
Nations should be used to resolve the current crisis. But, as Eric
Ruder shows, the UN has
always been little more than a tool of US foreign policy.
The news
that the United Nations and its Secretary-General Kofi Annan won the
Nobel Peace Prize must have been a surprise for the parents of Nassar
Feyath. In 1997, Nassar - who hadn't yet reached her second birthday -
died of malnutrition.
Nassar
was one of more than 500,000 Iraqi children who have died as a result of
crippling economic sanctions imposed by the UN. And this massive body
count continues to grow by 5,000 each month, according to the UN's own
estimates.
But
this didn't stop the New York Times
from praising the selection of the UN - and the "impeccably
tailored" Kofi Annan - as "an inspired choice" for the
Nobel Peace Prize.
The idea
that the UN is a neutral international body dedicated to spreading peace
is a myth. Annan presides over the UN's General Assembly, where most
countries of the world have a representative. But five countries - the
US, Russia, China, France and Britain - are permanent members of the
more powerful UN Security Council, and they have effective veto power
over UN decisions. As a result, the UN only acts when it suits the
interests of these powerful countries.
As the
most powerful of the five, the US has enormous power over what the UN
does. If the UN doesn't "follow orders," the US can simply
disregard it.
In 1994,
John Bolton, a former Bush Senior Undersecretary of State, made these
points bluntly, using the US and UN war against Iraq as an example.
"There is no United Nations," Bolton said.
In spite
of its role in overseeing the horrific tragedy in Iraq, some people
believe that the UN can play a positive role in
"peacekeeping."
But the
record shows otherwise. The UN has ignored terrible violence when the US
and the other major powers see no advantage to intervening. And when the
UN has deployed "peacekeepers," they've often caused more
problems than they've solved.
In
Somalia in 1993, UN and US troops dispatched to provide
"humanitarian" assistance for hunger relief instead tried to
impose a government on Somalia. As many as 10,000 Somalians were killed
or wounded by "peacekeepers" during the two year occupation.
And the
head of UN peacekeeping operations at the time? Kofi Annan. Annan also
was on the job when the Rwandan government orchestrated the slaughter of
up to one million ethnic Tutsis. Annan received a cable from his field
commander in Rwanda four months before the killings began describing the
Hutu-led government's plans to carry out a mass extermination of Tutsis.
Annan gave orders not to raid government arms caches.
When a
Rwandan government official came forward to reveal the government's
plans, Annan ordered the information be turned over to Rwandan President
Habyarimana - explicitly fingered by the whistle-blower as the
mastermind of the genocide.
Meanwhile,
the US - and the UN - deliberately avoided using the word
"genocide" to describe the crisis, because this would have
obligated both to intervene.
"You
cannot count on the international community unless you are rich, and we
are not," a Rwandan told an American journalist. "We don't
have oil, so it doesn't matter that we have blood, or that we are human
beings."
Then
there's the example of the crisis in the Balkans. During the 1992-95
civil war in Bosnia, the UN's humanitarian mission did nothing to stop
"ethnic cleansing" carried out by nationalist leaders on all
sides.
"The
UN's political role in Bosnia, forced on it by Washington and its
European allies, could be likened to that of a rodeo clown during the
bronco riding events: bouncing around the ring to distract the audience
from the near-misses and full-blown tragedies being played out all
around them," Phyllis Bennis wrote in her book Calling
the Shots: How Washington Dominates Today's UN.
Under
the terms of the Dayton Peace Accords - the treaty negotiated in Ohio
that ended the civil war and attempted to enforce peace through ethnic
segregation - the UN became the administrator of postwar Bosnia. The
UN's powers are dictatorial. UN High Representative Carlos Westendorp
has removed politicians from office, shut down media outlets and forced
through legislation when parties can't agree.
But that
didn't stop the West from using Bosnia as a model when it set up a
protectorate in Kosovo after the 1999 war against Yugoslavia.
The war
over Kosovo was fought under the flag of NATO - because the US wanted to
go to war against its former ally Slobodan Milosevic but knew that
Russia would veto any action by the UN. The "peacekeepers"
that occupied Kosovo after the war allowed reverse "ethnic
cleansing" - with returning Kosovar Albanians driving out the
province's Serb population.
Far from
championing democracy and the rule of law, the UN provides humanitarian
cover for the imperialist aims of the US and the other great powers. If
the UN is called on to take charge in Afghanistan after Washington's
war, the experience won't be any different.
It
certainly hasn't been so far. In the early 1990s, after the former USSR
withdrew from Afghanistan, the UN stood by and watched as a civil war
broke out between US-backed rebel mujahideen factions.
But now,
as US bombs dropped on Afghanistan, George W Bush - who during his
campaign last year criticised Bill Clinton's involvement in UN
"nation-building" projects - has done an about-face. The UN
should "take over the so-called nation-building - I would call it
the stabilisation of a future government," Bush declared on 11
October.
But the
real reason to involve the UN is to offload some of the financial
expense and political risk - and most importantly, to cloak US interests
with the credibility of a supposedly neutral international institution.
"If
we can mask our power in - sorry, work with - institutions like the UN
Security Council, US might will be easier for much of the world to
bear," Newsweek
columnist Fareed Zakaria cynically pointed out.
Financial
Times columnist Martin Wolf did
Zakaria one better. In an article titled "The Need for a New
Imperialism," he describes Afghanistan as a "failed
state" because the "government's monopoly of organised
violence - a condition for civilised life - [has] collapsed." He
calls for a UN "protectorate" to rule the country.
But UN
protectorates should be called what they are - colonial arrangements set
up to impose "peace" on terms that satisfy the biggest powers,
especially the US.
If
you're wondering why the UN was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001
given its less-than-peaceful record, consider other recent peace prize
recipients.
Last
year, the winner was South Korean President Kim Dae Jung - despite his
government's record of repressing trade unionists and socialists.
Recipients
in the 1990s include former Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres and
Frederik Willem de Klerk, once the head of South Africa's racist
apartheid regime.
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