| Who was Leon Trotsky? |
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| Tuesday, 30 November 1999 00:00 | |
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Evan Poata-Smith
Evan
Poata-Smith
looks at Leon Trotsky's remarkable contribution to the socialist
tradition
Leon
Trotsky was born in 1879 and became a revolutionary whilst still a
teenager. By the age of just 26 he was Chairperson of the Petrograd
Soviet, or workers' council, during the 1905 revolution. He became the
most important leader, after Lenin, of the 1917 revolution, and
organised and the led the Red Army against enormous odds to victory over
the armies of two dozen imperial powers in the Civil War.
Perhaps
his most enduring legacy today, apart from his theoretical innovations
and practical leadership, is that during the terrible decades of the
1920s and 1930s when Stalin was committing barbarous crimes in the name
of "socialism," and the brutal Nazi regime was committing
atrocities in Germany, Leon Trotsky kept alive the tradition of
socialism from below.
The
working class movement has many martyrs, but Trotsky's position is
unique. As Tony Cliff puts it, Trotsky "was murdered not once but
time and time again." His entire family, then thousands of supporters,
all fell victim to Stalin's murderous regime.
The
Stalinist counter-revolution had destroyed socialism's democratic
essence and established the most vicious mechanism of exploitation in
order to accumulate capital. A new bureaucratic ruling class was to
oversee the transformation of a poor and backward country into a modern
power, whatever the cost in human terms. That such a perspective could
be called "socialist" was a horrendous infamy. Against this
background Trotsky's dissenting voice was a cry in the wilderness.
It was
Trotsky's great virtue to insist against all odds that socialism was
rooted in the struggle for human freedom.
Throughout
the 1920s until his death at the hands of a Stalinist agent in 1940,
Trotsky fought desperately to try and build a revolutionary socialist
movement based on the principles of Marx and Lenin. At a time when
Stalin's counter-revolution was reshaping Russia and the fascism of
Hitler and Mussolini was sweeping across Europe, crushing workers'
movements in its path, this was no mean task.
Internationalism
Against
the nationalistic notion of "socialism in one country" Trotsky
asserted that socialism could only come into being on a world scale:
In this
Trotsky defended the uncompromising internationalism of Marx, Luxemburg
and Lenin.
United
Front
Trotsky
provided a brilliant and original analysis of Nazism. With increasing
urgency, he warned of the catastrophe which would follow the rise of the
Nazis. A catastrophe which would threaten not only the German, but also
the international working class. He repeatedly called for a united front
of all labour movements and organisations to crush the fascists.
Stalin
did everything to sabotage efforts to build a united front under
fascism. Indeed, under Stalinist manipulation, Communist Parties all
over Europe were instructed to reject any united front with Social
Democrats (the equivalent in those days to Aotearoa's Labour and
Alliance parties) against fascism. Social Democracy, dubbed "social
fascism," was declared the main enemy, not the Nazis.
Tragically
Trotsky's prophetic warnings and urgent calls were not heeded. If his
analysis and proposals for action had been accepted it is almost certain
that the Nazis would have been defeated.
Even if
he had never developed the theory of permanent revolution, never played
a leading role in the revolution of 1917, nor built the Red Army,
Trotsky's contribution to keeping alive the socialist flame during the
1930s would have ensured him a place in the history of international
socialism.
Trotsky
claimed that, even during 1917 when he personally played a leading role
second only to Lenin, his contribution to the socialist tradition was
not indispensable.
But
during the 1930s his contribution was absolutely indispensable. Trotsky
battled against incredible odds to keep the real Marxist tradition of
Marx and Engels, Luxemburg and Lenin, alive through an era dominated by
Stalinism in the East and fascism in the West.
Permanent
Revolution
Trotsky's
greatest and most original contribution to Marxism was his theory of
permanent revolution. Trotsky developed this theory at a time when
practically all Marxists believed that socialist revolution was possible
only in advanced industrial countries.
Russia's
backwardness and belated development meant that it had entered the
twentieth century without shaking off the middle ages, without passing
through the stages that the West had already passed, like the
Reformation and the bourgeois revolution, (for instance, England in the
1660s or the French Revolution). It was widely believed that in order to
establish workers' power in backward countries such as Russia, they
would have to experience exactly the same historical and technological
developments that had already occurred in advanced countries. This meant
that any revolutionary change in Russia would have to pass through a
lengthy stage of "bourgeois" or liberal democracy, like
Britain or France.
Trotsky
rejected the view that Russia would have to conform to strict stages of
development before the working class would be mature enough to pose the
question of socialist revolution. He argued that backward countries
would be forced to skip a whole series of intermediate stages. In other
words, backward countries would not take things in the same order. As
Trotsky put it: "savages throw away their bows and arrows for
rifles at once, without travelling the road which lay between these two
weapons in the past."
Class
struggle
Thus a
socialist revolution in Russia did not depend directly upon the state or
on the productive forces, but upon the conditions of the class struggle,
upon the international situation, and upon a series of subjective
factors tradition, initiative, readiness for struggle.
Trotsky
argued that the bourgeoisie would be incapable of providing a
consistent, democratic revolutionary solution to the problem posed by
feudalism and imperialism. In this way, a consistent solution to
Russia's problems would necessitate moving beyond the bounds of
bourgeois private property. As he put it "the democratic revolution
grows over immediately into the socialist, and thereby becomes a
permanent revolution."
The 1917
Revolution in Russia proved all of Trotsky's assumptions right.
Conclusion
Unfortunately,
during the 1930s, because of his isolation from the great workers'
movements, Trotsky committed a serious theoretical error. Believing that
Russia's nationalised economy represented a lasting gain from the
revolution, he declared the USSR to be a "degenerated"
workers' state. This position would cause enormous confusion amongst
many revolutionary socialists in the years to come.
But
there is no need to dwell on this mistake. Today, as we face the same
terrifying realities of capitalism Trotsky described and analysed
seventy years ago, his writings and deeds still provide a basis for
building a democratic alternative to that system.
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