| What do socialists say about... |
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| Tuesday, 30 November 1999 00:00 | |
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\"The national interest?\"
From the
cradle to the grave we're encouraged to think of ourselves as members of
a nation. Whether it's the America's Cup, a cricket test against
Australia, the school history lesson or the latest export figures, the
pressure is the same - identify with New Zealand, back New Zealand,
believe New Zealand is best. And of course the same thing is going on in
every other country. Every good little American, Japanese or Russian is
meant to grow up identifying with and believing in the superiority of
America, Japan, Russia or wherever. It's all rather absurd when you stop
to think about it.
But for
our rulers it's also very necessary. They want it to be so
all-pervasive, so obvious, that we never stop to think about it.
Patriotism reinforces the idea that there is an overriding common
interest uniting boss and worker, exploiter and exploited, in this
little patch of the world against bosses and workers elsewhere. And
secondly it strengthens the power and authority of the state, which is
the main force maintaining the rule of the exploiter over the exploited.
That's why Marxists are not nationalists, but internationalists. We see
the world in class terms, not national terms.
This
issue marks one of the clear dividing lines between reformists and
revolutionaries, between those who accept the framework of the nation
state and those who want to overthrow it. Listen to any speech by any
reformist politician, left or right. You will find it full of phrases
such as "saving our industry" or "getting our country going again." But
it's not "our" industry or "our" country: both are owned lock, stock and
barrel by the ruling class. Every time the reformists talk this way they
show themselves to be prisoners of ruling-class ideology. At the same
time they strengthen such ideas within the working class.
Just as
our rulers need nationalism to bind the working class to itself, so the
working class needs internationalism to establish its political
independence as a class. Internationalism is also a necessity for the
working class because, as the example of Russia shows, the revolution
can succeed in one country for a time but if it remains isolated it
cannot survive indefinitely. Either international capitalism will
overthrow it directly or, as in Russia, military and economic pressure
will compel the revolutionary country to compete with capitalism on the
latter's terms. That means the restoration of exploitation, class
divisions and the subordination of labour to capital.
Internationalism
is increasingly a necessity even in everyday trade union struggles.
Faced with multinational companies playing off workers in different
countries against each other, the best defence is international links
between rank-and-file trade unionists. "Workers of the World Unite"
isn't just a fine-sounding phrase.
Marxist
internationalism also means rejecting the policy of import controls.
Again apart from the fact that they would be an economic disaster
because of retaliation from other countries, they replace a struggle to
defend jobs against the attacks of the New Zealand ruling class with an
attempt to solve unemployment by lining up with "our" bosses against the
workers of Japan, Hong Kong, Germany, the US or wherever.
Genuine
internationalism involves much more than abandoning the cruder forms of
national and racial prejudice and adopting a benevolent attitude to the
peoples of the world. Nor is it a matter of an idealistic belief in the "brotherhood
of man" or the "sisterhood of women." Indeed it is a fundamental element
of Marxist internationalism that not all men are brothers and not all
women are sisters because society is divided into classes with
antagonistic interests.
Instead
of viewing the world from the standpoint of one national state competing
with other nation states, Marxist internationalism takes as its starting
point the struggle of the world working class against world capitalism.
In this struggle we regard the interests of the working class as a
whole, internationally, as taking precedence over the temporary,
short-term interests of any local or national section of workers. This
kind of internationalism constitutes a very sharp break with policies
declared to be "in the national interest" by the media and labour
movement leaders alike.
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