International Socialists

Holocaust: how evil was that. It was the biggest mass murder in history, but it also happened in an industrialised, scientifically advanced – supposedly civilised – country. It was politically irrational, but the causes of it are not to be found in the EVIL of us poor humans, but in a specific political movement: Fascism.

Fascism is often used as a swearword against anyone – which is wrong. On the other hand, it’s also sometimes thought of as being especially German – which is also wrong. Fascist movements, or extreme right militias, existed in almost all western countries between the world wars. Italy, Hungary, Romania, and Spain all had fascist governments – the UK and Australia had fascist militias and in the US the KKK hit its apex with 3million members in the 1930s – just a few examples.

At the same time, the revolutionary left was in many cases stronger than the fascists, but unable to see the way that fascism was a threat because of the way that it provided a street fighting force that big business could turn to when it needed to increase efficiency by forcing down wages.

Because the inter-war years were a time of great economic upheaval. The capitalist system was in a severe crisis internationally, and as there was less to go around, the conflicts between classes became more clear. In desperation, German industry turned to the Nazis to bring the workers to heel, which they did, by massive repression, total war, and genocide.

Nowadays, amazingly enough, the far right is resurging, especially in Europe. In France, National Front leader Le Pen beat the social democratic (Labour Party) candidate in the presidential runoff – so that he was the only candidate to face the conservative – Jacques Chirac. That’s like having Helen Clark beaten in a race by New Zealand NF leader Kyle Chapman, leaving voters to choose between him and Don Brash. The French National Front is at least as extreme as the NZNF. In Switzerland the Far right Peoples Party last year became the biggest party in parliament. In Italy, the “post” fascists are in coalition with Berlusconi, in Austria the far right controls certain regions and has been in the national coalition government. Pauline Hanson’s party in Australia has been shut down, but the disaffection that her party expressed is still very much part of Australian politics. Howard has managed to get her votes by taking her anti-immigrant and –indigenous policies without taking her anti big business policies, but it’s an instable mix.

Consensus politics is over. And actually, we are back to business as normal. The post war years were merely an aberration. The economic post war boom of the 1950’s-60’s meant that people’s living standards really improved and the capitalist system appeared to be working, the two party system was in its hey day and it was a time of concession. When the system goes into crisis though, when there is less to go around then the interests of different classes become intensified and much clearer. The far right is not something that is going to go away while we are in this political situation.

The main class divide in society is between the majority, the wage earners and the employers, the big business bourgeoisie. There are other classes also. The petit bourgeoisie, which is the little businesses, is trapped between the main class divide and is hammered by both organised labour (by making it harder and more expensive to hire and fire staff) and big business (by competition eg Warehouse). Middle managers, doctors, lawyers, and other ‘high-class’ professionals are also in a similar position, feeling the pressure from above and below.

The term "middle classes" on the other hand is used - especially by the bourgeoisie media - in very vague way comprising all those with a certain level of income. The point is however that many of these are actually part of the working class and become ever more "proletarianised". This is especially the case with the formerly "privileged" white collar workers who are now under constant pressure of downsizing, less income and worsening working conditions.

The petit bourgeoisie can’t overthrow the rule of big business and run society in their own interests. This small business utopia can’t exist because small businesses are too much in competition with one another to form solid economic blocs like the trade unions, and because small businesses are still capitalist businesses the imperative to grow or go under still holds. But the petit bourgeoisie are far more numerous than the ruling class, and they can therefore form the core of a mass movement that can be used by the ruling class.

They can also come over to the side of the working class, if the working class can give a determined political lead. After all, the bankrupted small businessman is angry with good reason at the system that he has worked so hard in for nothing. If there is a confident left wing labour movement, then that people in that situation can find rational ideas that explain the workings of the system without denying the injustice of it. If there is no left voice, then instead of economic explanations for crisis – racial conspiracy theories fill the gap.

But the frontline of the resurgent neo-Nazi movement come not from a small business background but from the poorest sections of the working class – what Marx called the lumpen proletariat – the ragged proletariat. This group of people are the people who fall through the cracks of this system – in education, in employment, in the ‘justice’ system. But while most of the poor put their political hopes in left wing parties and the labour movement, there are some who react to their poverty by blaming the only people beneath themselves – in Europe, immigrants; in NZ, Maori and Pacific Islanders. These are the skinhead shock troops of the far right.

In NZ, the so-called New Zealand National Front has more to do with the semi-criminal skinhead gangs of poor whites than it has to do with the law-abiding middle classes. But their website, and recent media stunts, show that they aim to become more than a gang, but a political force, and the timing of their transition from gang to party could hardly be better.

The National Front describes itself as "the front line of European colonists" in New Zealand, and considers itself to be "patriotic and nationalistic". The party's policy platform is primarily based around militarist and anti-immigrant themes, and often incorporates elements of survivalism.

Significant policies of the National Front include:

Reintroducing conscription.
Reintroducing capital punishment.
Rejecting immigrants or refugees who are not ethnically and culturally European.
Encouraging migrants already in New Zealand to leave.
Distancing New Zealand from the United States, the United Nations, and the World Trade Organization.
Relaxing gun control, thereby allowing "men to defend their families".
Encouraging the establishment of citizens' militias.

The reading posted on the list though, points out that the number of small businesses has decreased massively since the 1930s, and argues that it’s unlikely that a fascist movement will ever be able to take political power again. But that doesn’t mean that fascism is not a threat. A large fascist party can still prepare the way for an undemocratic authoritarian government.

-Other things to discuss (mayve in open session)

Bush and Brash are not fascists because they are part of the establishment – although they gives respectability to far right ideas in the media.

Mike Tait